Alba, F.; Cabrera, G. (eds.). 1994
Results: In celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the Colegio de Mexico, eminent Mexican demographers held a seminar in December 1990 to reflect on population changes in Mexico over the past half century. A wide range of demographic topics were examined. Essays with a decidedly historical cast are listed individually elsewhere in this bibliography. ..rm
Keys: orphanhood, child abandonment. Spanish America, Mexico 1767-1821. Sources: orphanage records.
Results: The horrendous condition of orphans and abandoned children in Mexico City pales only in comparison with cities in Western Europe. Some 5,000 children entered the Mexico City orphange from 1767 to 1821. The analysis focuses on 619 orphans who entered during the period 1767-1774, when unusually thorough records were kept. Of this total, 37% died within twelve months of entry, and two-thirds with eight years. Less than 10% left the orphanage alive, and some of these were returned later. Males accounted for 58% of the sample. More than half of all orphans were characterized as "español", most of whom were abandoned because of honor. In contrast, among Indians true orphanhood, poverty and illness were the reasons for two-thirds of the abandonments. ..rm
Keys: sources. Argentina - Buenos Aires 1895. Sources: census lists.
Results: A minute reconstruction of the residence patterns for one block in Buenos Aires shows that conventillo dwellers were more alike one another than their non-conventillo dwelling neighbors. Thus, the well-known political activism of the conventillos was based on a community of interest rather than residence or neighborhood. This note suggests some of the research possibilities for manuscript censuses as sources for historians. ..rm
Keys: immigration. Argentina 1880-1914. Sources: census publications, secondary.
Results: Despite an apparent hostility to Turks, their numbers in Argentina grew from fewer than one thousand in 1895 to almost 60,000 in 1914. Most were engaged in commerce. Turks were scattered more evenly throughout the republic than any other immigrant group. ..rm
Keys: immigration, social conditions. Argentina - Buenos Aires 1900-1930. Sources: emigration records, newspapers, secondary.
Results: The flood of emigrants from León (Castille) to the pampas of Buenos Aires began with the agricultural crisis of 1882-1883. Instead of illiterate, solitary day-laborers, many emigrants were from families of small property holders. Often, the decision to emigrate was a collective one, aimed at improving the family economy. When the strategy proved successful, as was frequently the case for the Leoneses, emigration of other family members followed. ..rm
Keys: demographic transition. Argentina - Northwest provinces 1940-1985. Sources: censuses, vital statistics.
Results: Six northwestern provinces account for one-tenth of the population of Argentina, a fraction that this region has maintained over much of the twentieth century. The Northwest retained its weight in part because it lagged behind the fertility transition occurring elsewhere in Argentina. Boleda's study uses classic demographic methods to analyze the particular dynamics of the region within a broader national and sub-continental framework. ..rm
Keys: population policy. Mexico 1821-1980. Sources: secondary.
Results: From 1821 to 1973, population policies in Mexico were pro-growth, attempting to increase the demographic density of the nation. In the 1820s and 1830s, the national government supported colonization, immigration and re-patriation, but the first federal immigration law was not enacted until 1908. The number of resident foreigners never amounted to as much as 1% of the total population in either the nineteenth or twentieth century. The General Law of Population (1936) shifted the emphasis from immigration to natural increase and the repatriation of Mexicans living in foreign countries, principally the United States. Efforts to increase marriage and birth rates and decrease death rates were successful. In the 1960s, as rates of natural increase peaked at 3.5% per annum, demographic growth began to be seen as an obstacle to development. Cabrera recounts in detail how the about-face in Mexican population policy, enshrined in the 1974 General Law of Population, was achieved. ..rm
Keys: population dynamics, mortality, fertility, methods. Bolivia - Oruro - Santa Ana de Chipaya 1817-1871. Sources: parish registers, tax payer lists. Methods: family reconstitution.
Results: Despite defective parish registers and severely deficient burial books, 124 Uru-Chipaya family genealogies could be constructed for this village. The availability of seven manuscript censuses over a period of a half century made such a study possible. The genealogies show that marriage was universal and early, averaging 19.6 years for females and two years later for males. Total fertility is placed at 5.6 children. From a comparison of two successive census lists, Castro-Rovira computes age-specific mortality quotients, pointing to a life expectancy at birth of 27 years. This study illustrates the difficulties of applying classic reconstitution techniques, including Louis Henry's methods for estimating error, to Latin American populations. ..rm
Keys: population size, population structure, fertility, mortality, marriage, methods. Argentina - Córdoba 1776-1810. Sources: census manuscripts, parish registers, secondary. Methods: indirect methods, family reconstitution.
Results: This comprehensive study in historical demography applies sophisticated techniques to the surviving data for late colonial Córdoba. The city of Córdoba grew rapidly in the late 18th century, exceeding 11,000 inhabitants in 1801. Sex ratios were unbalanced by race, with a shortage of white females and "casta" males. Illegitimacy was rampant, with abandoned infants accounting for 42% of all baptisms, yet the annual crude marriage rate was a substantial 8-9 per thousand inhabitants. Among males, over half the grooms were in-migrants, compared with less than 10% of brides. Completed family size computed by means of Chao's own-child method is placed at five children, but the author notes that this is a minimum. Other indirect methods point to 6-7 children with life expectancy at birth of 34 years. The reconstitution part of the study is limited to 50 elite families, selected on the basis of genealogies. Average completed fertility for women marrying at age 20 was 8.0 children. Various methods of estimating mortality point to life expectancy of birth between 30 and 34 years. Data for the larger countryside shows extremely slow growth for the Indian population, but Celton cautions that this may be due to enumeration errors. The castas, on the other hand, were characterized by rapid growth. Census manuscripts reveal great variation in household size and structure, but on average one-fifth of households were headed by women, principally widows. Other findings are too numerous to summarize here. ..rm
Keys: epidemics, depopulation, historiography. Americas 1492-1800. Sources: secondary.
Results: Dobyns' comprehensive review of recent publications on disease at contact spies a new field of "historic epidemiology" emerging. Studies ranging the length and breadth of the hemisphere, from the Columbia River Basin to Eastern South America, are seen as buttressing his thesis that before Spanish conquistadores had a chance to observe the pristine state of native peoples pandemics leapt ahead of the first entradas and decimated populations everywhere. The essay recounts the historiography of sixteenth century pandemics by year of occurrence. For later centuries, as the archival evidence thickens, chronologies become more diffuse and the regional limits of epidemics sketched in greater detail. ..rm
Keys: immigration, integration. Honduras 1880-1940. Sources: census publications, diplomatic reports, secondary.
Results: Arab-Palestines, although numbering fewer than a thousand immigrants in Honduras in 1935, have attained considerable power, but they remain as outsiders in this so-called "mestizo" country. ..rm
Keys: urbanization. Guatemala - Guatemala City 1775-1990. Sources: published censuses.
Results: Destroyed by earthquakes in 1773, Guatemala City was refounded on its present site in 1775. The change meant that ladinos gained a further grip on the city with Indians accounting for only 12% of the population in 1782. Over the ensuing 100 years, the city grew slowly, scarcely doubling in a century, while Indians dropped to 6% of the total. Growth accelerated over the twentieth century, reaching 7% per annum between 1950 and 1964, but Indians still numbered only a small fraction of the city's population. The 1990 census reported more than one million inhabitants for the city, 12% of the national population and half of the country's urban total. Now the city has burst its boundaries with almost one-fifth of nation's inhabitants living in the greater metropolitan area. Gellert places Guatemala's late metropolization in a Latin American context and discusses some of the political, economic and social factors which influenzed the city's peculiar pattern of urbanization. ..rm
Keys: family, reproduction, social interrelations, mestizaje. Mexico 1520-1600. Sources: statement of merits, administrative reports.
Results: The settled home ("casa poblada") was the goal of the Spanish crown in Mexico, but the early conquistadores and immigrants were less than successful in reproducing their lineages. Gonzalbo's ingenious reconstruction of several thousand families over the sixteenth century illuminates basic demographic and social dynamics of early Spanish settlement. Epidemics, poverty and especially the lure of other conquests reduced the earliest Spaniards' numbers. Of some 1600 more than a thousand disappeared without a trace. The most successful group produced 2.5 male children, but the second generation left only 0.8. In the first generation Indian brides were common, as was the case of Puebla de los Angeles for nearly one-third of married Spanish settlers. To these must be added a smaller fraction living with Indian concubines. In the second generation, daughters of conquistadores were in high demand (accounting for more than half of all brides) and not much attention was paid to their legitimacy or race. In contrast, only 6% of Spanish husbands married Indian women according to one report, or 14% according to another. Among the most complete reports for the 1540s, women headed one-fourth of the families. Illegitimacy amounted to 10-20% of children whose legitimacy was explicitly stated, but records were often silent in this regard. Gonzalbo concludes that the disappearance of the early lineages was due more to social marginalization by merchants, bureaucrats and other recent arrivals than by any failure to reproduce. ..rm
Keys: spatial distribution. Mexico 1895-1990. Sources: census tables. Methods: linear regression.
Results: Using federal entities as the units of analysis, the authors calculate crude measures of concentration, distance, and dispersion. They find that dispersion of population in Mexico has increased over the last hundred years, as the peripheral regions, particularly the North, and intermediate cities attract a growing share of internal migrants. ..rm
Keys: fertility transition, fertility differentials. Costa Rica, Colombia, Chile, Honduras 1915-1980. Sources: published censuses. Methods: retroprojection.
Results: For the four countries studied here significant urban-rural differentials in fertility can be traced back to the 1940s and before. For example, in Chile in the 1940s, the total fertility rate in urban areas averaged slightly less than four children compared with 6-7 in rural areas. A fraction of this gap is due to differences in marital behavior, yet even marital fertility remained one-third to one-fourth lower in urban areas than in the countryside. The baby boomlet of the late 1950s and early 60s is explained in large part by a marriage boom, but real increases in fertility seem to have occurred as well, before fertility decline accelerated in the 1960s. ..rm
Keys: race mixture. USA - Louisiana - New Orleans 1724-1860. Sources: 1,626 wills, published census tables, census manuscripts. Results: Despite legal prohibitions dating from 1724, racial intermixing through stable consensual unions was relatively common in New Orleans at the beginning of the 19th century. Yet, by 1860 a three caste society--whites, free blacks, and slaves--had emerged. According to U.S. censuses, free women of color in interracial unions declined by four-fifths from 1820 to 1860, from 30 to 6% of adult free black females. This transformation was due to changing demographic conditions as well as social and cultural factors. The equilibrium of highly unbalanced, but complementary sex ratios of the earlier period, with its preponderance of white males (246 per 100 white females in 1820) and free black females (44 per 100 free black males), was shattered by an enormous influx of whites. Law was less important in the formation of the three caste system because the Louisiana civil code did not prohibit miscegenation until 1908. ..rm
Keys: childhood. Spanish America, Mexico 1500-1980. Sources: secondary, published statistics.
Results: This wide-ranging historiographical essay urges more attention be paid to childhood as an area of research. Social, cultural and political issues are Lavrin's principal concerns, yet she advocates a strongly demographic or quantitative approach because of the powerful influences of family, fertility, mortality and migration on the condition of children. ..rm
Keys: immigration, assimilation. Brazil 1924-1934. Sources: Jewish Colonization Archives, correspondence, secondary.
Results: As immigration to Brazil resumed in the 1920s, Eastern Europeans accounted for a growing fraction of the total. When quotas restricted the flow of Jewish immigants to the USA, Canada and Argentina, Brazil became an attractive destination for Polish Jews. Over 40,000 entered Brazil in the period, 1926-1939. Although many saw Brazil as a way-station, economic success changed their minds. Re-migration was almost unheard of after 1930. ..rm
Keys: total population, racial composition, spatial distribution, sources. Ecuador 1745-1814. Sources: manuscript census totals, Archivo Histórico Nacional de Colombia, Archivo Nacional de Historia de Ecuador.
Results: Lucena Salmoral examined many late 18th century census reports for the Kingdom of Quito in the National Archives of Colombia and Ecuador to bring together totals for "ethnic" groups for all the administrative districts available (parishes, cities and corregimientos). The author cautions that errors, inconsistencies and ill-defined units of analysis, both spatial and racial, plague these sources. Yet, these figures may be the best available. The kingdom-wide population for 1784 is placed at 456,098, with 66% Indian, 27% white, 7% other free, and 1% slave. ..rm
Keys: settlement, depopulation, social interrelations, marital endogamy, racial mixing, epidemics. Guatemala - Guatemala City 1541-1773. Sources: parish registers, census manuscripts, administrative reports.
Results: This is the story of how a Spanish city emerged in a region of densely settled Indian peoples. In the first decades of Spanish colonization, the native population declined catastrophically due principally to epidemics but enslavement was also a factor. Yet Indian barrios, some peopled by recently emancipated natives, sprang up around the capital. Attempts at racial segregation proved fruitless, although the city center would remain a Spanish enclave. Slave imports from Africa averaged around 120 per year in the 1620s. African-Americans, placed in the principal households of the city primarily as symbols of status rather than for labor power, helped transform Indian barrios into multiracial communities. Lutz finds that in more than half of all slave marriages the spouse was free (56% for blacks and 80% for mulatos). Onerous head taxes, paid only by Indian villagers, coupled with a growing demand for tax-exempt, skilled urban labor stimulated Indian migration, social acculturation, and the gradual emergence of a ladino population, neither Indian nor Spanish. In the seventeenth century, race mixture became the rule, further undermining Indian dominance in the capital. Only the highest reaches of Spanish society were exempt. By 1754, as the city's population grew to nearly 40,000 inhabitants, less than one-fifth were categorized as Indians. Using 17,009 marriage acts spanning two centuries, Lutz charts the erosion of what he calls the city's segmented society into a tri-partite system where a "`middle strata' of mixed descent became increasingly homogenized in both socioracial and cultural terms." Meanwhile, in the highlands indigenous populations recovered their numbers and retained their cultural identity. ..rm
Keys: orphanhood. Brazil 1719-1875. Sources: orphanage records.
Results: This preliminary report on a comprehensive study of abandoned children in Brazil shows that boys were as likely to be abandoned as girls, and that mortality was high for both, exceeding 65%. The first orphanage in Brazil was established in Bahia in 1708, primarily to ensure that abandoned children received the sacrament of baptism before they died. A lucky few also survived, and for these Marcilio sketches their life-cycle of wet-nursing, education, and ultimate release. ..rm
Keys: depopulation, epidemics. Mexico 1519-1576. Sources: published chronicles.
Results: Smallpox first struck Mexico in 1520. A wide-ranging review of published Spanish and Nahautl texts describing the epidemic leaves little doubt that its impact was devastating, as bad as any crisis mentioned in pre-Columbian chronicles and worse than any smallpox epidemic in Spain. Care, rather than any alleged genetic immunity, may explain why virgin soil smallpox epidemics brought catastrophe. Where both adults and children were struck ill simultaneously, there was no one to provide care--food, water, comfort, or hope--so that hunger and thirst compounded the death toll. Later chroniclers ranked the smallpox epidemic of 1520-21 among the three greatest crises of the sixteenth century. This essay relies on narratives to sidestep the debate over numbers raging among conquest population historians. ..rm
Keys: family, social interrelations. Brazil - São Paulo - Santana de Parnaíba 1750-1850. Sources: census lists, genealogies, inventories.
Results: This essay briefly summarizes arguments developed in Metcalf's The Family and Frontier in Colonial Brazil. Family and inheritance strategies of wealthy slaveholders are contrasted with those of free smallholders or squatters who did not own slaves. As the local economy deteriorated, the percentage of households dependent upon agriculture declined, and the fraction headed by women increased. ..rm
Keys: urban settlement, social interrelations, race mixture, socio-demographic change. Ecuador - Quito 1690-1810. Sources: parish registers, census mansucripts, unpublished census tables, judicial records, administrative reports.
Results: This intriguing social history of an unusual Spanish American colonial city, Quito, provides a valuable critical guide to the use of sources for colonial population history. Quito, which dropped below 15,000 inhabitants in 1825, began its prolonged demographic decline in the 1690s, when epidemic induced labor shortages provoked four decades of agricultural depression. The crisis was worse in the city, where death rates were even higher and child abandonment averaged 15 to 30% of baptisms. A period of recovery began in the 1730s, although epidemics continued intermittently. Then in the 1780s, demographic crises became more intense and frequent. Especially severe was the measles epidemic of 1785, when 10% of the city's population died in a few months. The rural hinterland, after decades of decline, probably stabilized in the 1780s. The region was increasingly divided between an Indian countryside and a small, shrinking urban "`White' enclave". Over the decades the city also became increasingly female, with only 53 men per 100 women in 1797. (The demographic picture is clouded by a flurry of census enumerations carried out for tax purposes.) Head tax collections doubled from 1773 to 1783, in part by the reclassification of race (Minchom prefers "ethnicity") in the censuses. Riots, non-compliance and law suits (Autos sobre declaratoria de mestizo) accompanied these changes. The Autos show that while social mobility was possible in late-colonial Quiteño society there was little room for mestizos. Occupations were so closely associated with race that they were used to determine tax status. Minchom concludes that social mobility was insufficient to modify the fundamental dichotomy between Indians and Whites which persisted into the Republican era. ..rm
Keys: mortality. Mexico 1895-1980. Sources: secondary.
Results: As sources for a summary of the mortality transition in Mexico, Morelos draws on life tables constructed by Arriaga and Camposortega, insisting that the late nineteenth century must be taken into account as well. Understanding the causes of "la desigualdad frente a la muerte" remains a major research challenge. ..rm
Keys: Latin America 1572-1969.
Results: This set of essays speculates on the meaning of community, with case studies of four different socio-ethnic types: a Spanish mission town (Concepción), an Andean hacienda (Paucartambo, Cuzco, Peru), a plantation based on African labor (Ocumare) and a Swedish immigrant community (Concepción, Oberá, Argentina). The character of each community is examined in the long sweep of history with economy, population, ecology, and even national politics, often emerging as determining factors. ..rm
Keys: education. Spanish America 1900-1950. Sources: census tables, secondary.
Results: The great increase in literacy and schooling in Latin America dates from the beginning of the twentieth century. These changes were engineered by the estado docente--national and provincial governments which funded public schools. In Spanish America, the effects were dramatic. The proportion of total population enrolled in basic education increased from 5% in 1900, to 9% in 1930 and almost 11% by 1950, while adult literacy increased from 28% to 48 and 64%, respectively (based on population aged 10+). Within this quantitative context, Newland discusses the centralizing tendencies of public educational systems and their attempts to develop new methods and curricula. ..rm
Keys: population studies. Mexico 1940-1980. Sources: secondary.
Results: The enormous demographic revolution occurring in Mexico since 1940 is briefly summarized. Ordorica's assessment of how the field has carried through recommendations made at the first national demographic meeting in 1977 (better use of data, formal methods and multivariate analysis) is a pessimistic one. ..rm
Keys: fertility decline. Argentina 1869-1980. Sources: published censuses, secondary.
Results: By 1930, irreversible fertility decline (defined as a crude birth rate of less than 30) was well underway in Argentina, lagging only ten years behind Spain and Italy. Yet, as late as 1895 there were few certain indications of declining fertility. The influx of immigrants with lower fertility and their concentration in urban zones accelerated the decline. Changing age at marriage did not affect fertility levels during the early years of the transition. ..rm
Keys: women, family structure, economy, households, class structure. Paraguay 1810-1864. Sources: archival, parish registers, census lists.
Results: Paraguay's historically high degree of illegitimacy and single, female-headed households date from the colonial era and were reinforced by measures taken during the Francia period. Attempts by Carlos Antonio Lopez to reform "public morality" were not successful. Women, as heads of families, played an important economic role in the Paraguayan countryside, particularly in agriculture. Over the centuries, they also gave stability and continuity to family life. From the early 18th century average household size was 5.5 and remained so for the next hundred years. Through the analysis of census and other data it is estimated that Paraguay's population on the eve of the Great War (1864-1870) was between 400,000 and 500,000. The author makes a good case for the traditional interpretation of the demographic disaster caused by war (mortality of at least 40%). This is a pioneering population study as well as a magnificent piece of social history. ..jwc
Keys: migration, immigration, economic interrelations. Venezuela 1870-1930. Sources: published censuses, marriage registers.
Results: Despite efforts to attract European immigrants to settle new coffee growing regions, Venezuelans made up the bulk of the settlers. According to the 1891 census, some 10,000 Colombians emigrated but 99% formed a cultural enclave in a single municipio, Tachira. A sample of almost 15,000 marriages in the coffee districts for this period, shows that over 40% were migrants born in a different municipio. This study examines the characteristics of migrants, their motivations and the ecological and social constraints within which movement occurred. ..rm
Keys: nuptiality. Mexico 1930-1990. Sources: published censuses, vital statistics.
Results: Quilodrán argues that a demographic analysis of nuptiality in Mexico over much of the twentieth century offers a valuable vantage point for those debating changes in Mexican family or marriage law. Beginning in 1930, women who never entered any form of marital union by age 50 declined sharply, from 13.0% to 6.5% in 1990. Over the same period the proportion of females entering unions in their teens also contracted from 53.4% to 38.0%, yet mean age at first union increased only slightly from 21.5 years to 22.2. The average for males hovered between 24 and 25 years and points to a contraction in the age gap between spouses. Stability in these averages is remarkable not only because of the spectacular increase in nuptiality but also because of a near halving of consensual unions (24% to 14%) and an 80% reduction in purely religious unions (28% to 4%). The essay concludes with an analysis of regional differentials in nuptiality. ..rm
Keys: urbanization. Mexico 1940-1980. Sources: census publications.
Results: As is well known, from 1940 to 1970 intense urbanization with the growing primacy of Mexico City was the rule. The fraction of the national population living in localities of 15,000 inhabitants or more grew from one-fourth in 1940 to one-half in 1970. What is surprising is the decline in primacy beginning in the 1980s and accelerating growth by smaller and medium-sized cities. Mexico City actually lost share, accounting for only 18.2% of the national total in 1990 compared with 20.8% a decade earlier. ..rm
Keys: household structure, workforce, gender. Brazil 1800-1876. Sources: census lists.
Results: Recent studies of nineteenth century Brazilian household structure reveal a suprising fraction of households headed by women, from 45% in Minas Gerais in 1804 to as little as 11% in Fortaleza in 1887. While female participation in the work force may explain these variations, the author points to the need for more research to map the spatial and chronological dimensions and to explain their economic and social significance. ..rm
Keys: population history. Latin America 10000 B.P. - 2025. Sources: secondary.
Results: This is a substantial revision of a classic interpretive overview of the population history of Latin America, first published more than two decades ago. From his comprehensive, informed and insightful re-working of the entire secondary literature in the fields of archaeology, history and demography, Sánchez-Albornoz boldly engages the gamut of population issues. Earlier conclusions which have withstood more recent research remain unrevised, but the author seems to have reconsidered, indeed re-worked, almost every paragraph of the text. For example, in explaining the demographic impact of the emergence of agriculture, the first edition privileged declining mortality as the major factor, where the new edition follows recent findings which emphasize earlier marriage and higher fertility. On controversial questions of conquest demography, the book firmly sides with the maximalists chieftained by S.F. Cook, W. Borah and N.D. Cook. A new chapter entitled "La implantación europea y africana" replaces, in part, a long, and important section on race mixture. The account of the nineteenth century remains unchanged, although much of the data are new. Subtleties of the demographic transition, which continue to confound others, are faithfully chronicled here, with many new charts and tables (and the occasional error as in Gráfico 7.4). In the first edition, the least successful chapter was the last, "The Year 2000", which did not anticipate the enormous fertility decline then underway everywhere in the region. The current edition may repeat the error by attempting to forecast conditions for the year 2025, using already out-of-date projections. ..rm
Keys: settlement, social interrelations. Costa Rica 1700-1750. Sources: census totals, administrative documents.
Results: At the beginning of the 18th century, the Indian population of the Central Valley numbered less than 250 families. Disease, hunger, and exploitation reduced even these numbers so that encomenderos turned to hunting Indians on the periphery to repopulate the center of the colony. These efforts failed. Instead a peasantry of "fair mestizos" began to develope, exceeding 5,000 adults by 1741. ..rm
Keys: population structure, household. Mexico - Mexico - Ozumba 1773-1813. Sources: parish registers, census lists.
Results: Vera Bolaños carefully tracked several thousands indi-viduals between parish registers and a manuscript census to reveal the social and demographic dynamics of this rural parish southeast of Mexico City. Her investigation exposes important features of late colonial society. In 1793, the parish of Ozumba numbered 2,500 inhabitants, 81% of whom were characterized as Indian. Unadjusted crude rates were computed at 60 for births and 38 for deaths. Among Indians 94% of baptisms were legitimate compared with 91% for non-Indians. Marriage was early and universal among Indians (singulate mean age at marriage was 18.5 years for females), and nearly so for non-Indians (22.0 years with 93% married by age 45). Household size was surpris-ingly small, averaging 4.8 and 3.8 for non-Indians and Indians, respectively, and, consequently, structures were simple (with 17 and 5% extended families, respectively). Of 639 households none had more than one married couple, and almost one-in-seven were headed by widows. Occupa-tional differences are also analyzed, but their effects on basic demographic structures seem to be less than those of calidad (race). An appendix lists a large number of census manuscripts located in the Archivo General de la Nación in Mexico City. ..rm
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